The Story of Taiwan - Politics
Composed by the Government Information Office in Taiwan:
Preface
In 1949, the government of the Republic of China relocated from the Chinese mainland to Taiwan. In order to continue the fight against communism and unite the country under freedom, democracy and prosperity, the ROC government began to implement political and economic reforms in Taiwan, despite the serious threats to national security from the mainland.
Backed up by decades of persistent effort, Taiwan's economic development has been recognized by the global community as an "economic miracle." However, praise for the ROC's achievements in the political arena did not come until after the lifting of the Emergency Decree. By the time the ROC held its first popular election for president and vice president in March 1996, the international community was hailing Taiwan's democratic reforms as a model for developing countries to emulate.
Looking back on Taiwan's development over the past five decades, we are confronted with a history full of misery and suffering. Thus, when people sing the praises of the ROC today and revel in all that has been accomplished, one must bear in mind the long and difficult path taken to reach this stage. The Story of Taiwan - Politics analyzes the Republic of China's development of democracy in the Taiwan, Penghu, Kinmen, and Matsu area by dividing the process into four stages: establishment, growth, takeoff, and consolidation. The circumstances of each stage of development, as well as results and future prospects, are also addressed. It is our hope that after finishing this essay, the reader will gain a more comprehensive understanding of the ROC's political development, and thereby come to appreciate the precious source from which it springs. Indeed, as the ROC forges ahead into the future, it becomes increasingly important that we realize the value of today's accomplishments.
Establishing a Foundation for Democracy (1949 to 1977)
Authoritarian Rule Ensures Political and Economic Development
The first stage of political development -- the establishment of a foundation for democracy -- began with the relocation of the ROC government to Taiwan and ended with the Chungli Incident. Both the foreign and domestic environments in which Taiwan found itself were marked by several special characteristics particular to that time, especially in the areas of national security, diplomacy, and economics.
With respect to national security, the Chinese communists posed a very real and immediate military threat throughout this entire period. The Battle of Quemoy at Kuningtou in 1949, the Battle of Tachen Islands from 1954 to 1955, and the Battle of the Taiwan Strait on August 23, 1958, were all fierce fights between ROC and communist forces. With the Chinese communists promoting policies such as "washing Taiwan in a sea of blood" and "liberating Taiwan through force of arms," the ROC's very existence faced a constant and very serious military threat. Although there were some sporadic skirmishes and minor sea battles after the Battle of the Taiwan Strait, political tensions between the two sides gradually eased and the frequency of direct military clashes slowly subsided after 1965.
With the support of the United States, the Republic of China enjoyed close diplomatic relations with a vast majority of the world's democratic countries during this first stage of political development. The ROC was also recognized as the legitimate representative of all of China up until 1971. However, with its departure from the United Nations that year, the ROC's international status was greatly undermined, and the number of countries that maintained diplomatic relations with the ROC declined sharply from more than a hundred to about 30. As for the economy, the situation immediately after the ROC government relocated to Taiwan was quite desperate, and the people were extremely poor. Therefore, economic development became the top priority of the ROC government. In the 1950s and 1960s, the fundamental objective of economic development was simply to improve the standard of living and enhance national strength. After the 1970s, though, the focus shifted toward establishing a self-sufficient economy.
Political Stability Promotes Modernization
With the adverse conditions that existed both at home and abroad, the political objective of the ROC government was to ensure political stability and economic development through the maintenance of an authoritarian system. Under this authoritarian system, however, the government began the planned promotion of local popular elections.
There were a number of special features that characterized this process. The first was the use of authoritarianism to promote modernization. This is in fact very common in developing countries. By definition, an authoritarian government does not tolerate any challenging power; and thus an authoritarian system is subject to limitations. American scholar Robert E. Ward, in his research into Japan's modernization, points out that the authoritarian political system that operated in the early stages of Japan's development proved to be extremely efficient. Similarly, the Republic of China applied an authoritarian system in Taiwan to promote and achieve modernization in the initial stages.
Authoritarianism, coupled with the implementation of the Emergency Decree and a system in which one party dominated, allowed the ROC to engage in modernization in a stable political environment. The growth of Taiwan's economy at this stage stands as one of the world's greatest successes, with per capita income rising from less than US$100 in 1949 to US$186 in 1952 and to US$1,193 by 1977, an increase of more than tenfold in less than 30 years (see Chart 1 & Chart 2).
The ROC government implemented the Emergency Decree in 1949, placing various restrictions and limitations on the people's rights. Originally guaranteed by the Constitution, the rights that were temporarily frozen included the freedom of speech, freedom of publication, right to assemble, and freedom of association. Although the implementation of the Emergency Decree was criticized by some international figures as well as a minority of opponents at home, it differed substantially from the usual definition of martial law as comprehended by the West. The ROC government did not suspend the Constitution altogether, nor did it dissolve popularly elected agencies at all levels. Furthermore, it did not implement military rule, cancel habeas corpus, or freeze many of the people's basic rights and freedoms. In fact, for the majority of the people on Taiwan, the Emergency Decree had little influence at all on their everyday lives or freedoms; however, it did produce noticeable benefits with respect to safeguarding Taiwan's security.
First, strict controls on entry and exit and tighter scrutiny on all mountain and coastal defenses were undertaken. The purpose of these controls was to block Chinese communist attempts at infiltration and subversion. In addition, restrictions were placed on the formation of new political parties to prevent multiparty politicking that could divide a nation's strength. These restrictions not only prevented inter-party clashes and power struggles, but also allowed the government to more easily maintain unity and harmony. Finally, the Emergency Decree prohibited strikes by workers, students, and shopkeepers, and forbade mass demonstrations and protests. These restrictions allowed the government to more easily maintain an ordered society and stable political environment. Indeed, to this day there are still a number of people who miss the days under the Emergency Decree.
As the Emergency Decree restricted the formation of new political parties, the ruling Kuomintang (KMT) maintained its majority under a "one-dominant-party system." The only legal opposition parties were the Young China Party and the China Democratic Socialist Party. Both of these parties were weak, however, and neither exercised much influence. There were also independent candidates -- commonly referred to as "tangwai (party outsiders)" -- who sometimes challenged KMT candidates in elections and occasionally emerged victorious.
In light of circumstances at that time, this one-dominant-party system had a positive influence on Taiwan's political and economic development. The Kuomintang became a powerful institution capable of binding together many different social forces. The party's control of important political, economic, and social resources made it easy to assimilate new groups into the political system, and its long reign in power allowed party mechanisms and personnel to maintain stability. The consistency and continuity of policies were maintained, and long-term and future-oriented plans were formulated. Finally, the KMT recruited many talented individuals from different cultural groups and various social strata. This was very beneficial with respect to integrating Chinese mainlanders, Taiwanese, Hakka, and aborigines, and allowed Taiwan's democracy to gradually develop further under a well-planned and orderly system.
Popular Elections Establish a Foundation for Democracy
Popular elections, the most important expression of democracy, were already being held during this stage of political development. In July 1950, the government held the first elections for county and city councilors. In August and October of that year, the first elections for county magistrates and provincial municipality mayors, chiefs of rural and urban townships, mayors of county municipalities, and chief administrators of districts also took place. The first election for members of the Taiwan Provincial Assembly were held in April 1957, and in December 1969, supplementary elections were held in the Taiwan area to elect 15 delegates to the National Assembly, 11 members to the Legislative Yuan, and two members to the Control Yuan. Finally, in order to improve and expand the channels for political participation, the supplementary elections for members of the Legislative Yuan and the National Assembly were held in December 1972.
The purpose of these local elections held in the Taiwan area was to train people in the ways of democracy and then gradually apply it at the provincial an d central government levels. This systematic approach to democratization not only provided citizens with regular opportunities to express opinions about government policies, but also allowed people to build up a clear and correct understanding of their rights and obligations in a democratic society. Indeed, it was at this time that a solid foundation and basic groundwork for democracy in Taiwan was established.
The Growth of Democracy (1977 to 1986)
Economic Development Promotes Political Participation
While laying the foundation for democracy, the government set its main objectives on national security and economic development. During this time, Taiwan's economy developed rapidly, and per capita income increased dramatically. However, once the country's economic goals had been attained, economic development became a variable and began to influence political development. According to scholar Norman Nie and others, economic development influences political participation through two main channels: changes in social stratification and changes in the structure of social groups.
The changes in social stratification that followed the ROC's economic development involved an expansion in the number of people in the upper and middle classes. Along with this elevation in social and economic status came a subsequent rise in political cognizance, political efficacy, and civil responsibility. Thus, changes in social stratification resulted in a greater distribution in the spectrum of political attitudes in the upper and middle levels of society, and thus raised the overall standards of political participation.
Economic development also changed the composition of social groups. Following the rapid development of the ROC's economy, large numbers of groups began to emerge, and with more and more groups cropping up, conflicts of interest between them intensified. Rates of participation in such groups and in group political activities among the general populace also increased, and this change in the composition of membership led to an overall increase in the standards of political participation. Thus, economic development raised political participation; however, it also made it easier for tensions and conflicts to develop between the various groups. Furthermore, economic development enriched political and social resources, which drew into politics many who hoped to vie for the fruits that economic success had brought. This development aggravated political conflicts even further.
Public Expectations of the Government Rise
During this period, the ROC's rapid economic growth led to greater population mobility in Taiwan; mainly, students and workers flocked to metropolitan areas. This phenomenon not only weakened many social institutions, such as the basic family unit, it also damaged the original bond between people. As a result, many people in the cities became either aloof toward others or easily disgruntled with politics.
In addition, rapid economic growth created many nouveaux riches. With their fast rise in social status, these parvenus started participating in politics in order to secure their financial interests, and began to demand more political power.
Finally, the popularization of education in Taiwan, fueled by the ROC government's implementation of a nine-year compulsory education policy, greatly increased the education opportunities available to the public. The literacy rate and the overall level of education were both greatly elevated; however, these improvements were accompanied by an increase in desires and demands for more. At the same time, the new groups and organizations formed by the public gained more and more strength, giving them greater leverage when making demands from the government. If the government was incapable of fulfilling the public's demands, the opposition forces would seize the opportunity to increase their influence. Many developing countries often faced this problem; that is, rapid economic development would sharpen public expectations of the government, which in turn would create instability as the government found it increasingly impossible to respond to the public's demands. This phenomenon is described by political scientists as the "revolution of rising expectations," and accurately depicts the political climate in Taiwan during this period.
Chungli Incident Increases the Opposition's Strength
On November 19, 1977, the elections for county magistrates and city mayors were being held in the Taiwan area. The competition was especially intense in Taoyuan County, where KMT candidate Ou Hsien-yu was running against former KMT member Hsu Hsin-liang, who had been expelled from the party (and who was the chairman of the largest opposition party in Taiwan, the Democratic Progressive Party). While the ballots were being counted on November 19, rumors of election irregularities emerged; in response, the residents of Chungli surrounded the polling stations and set fire to the Chungli City Police Station, thereby sparking the "Chungli Incident."
After the incident, the strength of opposition forces began to grow. Although the Emergency Decree was still in effect, restrictions on freedom of speech had been greatly eased. Political magazines began to spring up everywhere, and the majority of them carried no-holds-barred criticism of the government and the ruling party. These magazines became the opposition parties' strongest weapon in their attacks against the KMT, and also served as an important propaganda tool for them during the elections. Even though public assemblies and demonstrations were still banned under the Emergency Decree, such activities were tolerated so long as the proper applications were filed and the appropriate permits obtained; and while the formation of new political parties was still strictly prohibited, political organizations outside the KMT with views different from the ruling party already existed.
Fledging Political Parties Take Form
The political and electoral competitions during this period did not involve the Young China Party or the China Democratic Socialist Party; rather, the main competition focused on the KMT and opposition forces recently formed by local political figures. Since the formation of new political parties was still prohibited, these political figures distinguished themselves from the KMT by labeling themselves as tangwai, which literally means "party outsiders." On June 1, 1979, these outsiders established the Taiwan Tangwai People's Representatives Coalition Office, and the following day they formed the Central Parliamentarians Candidates League. On August 24, 1979, they set up Formosa Magazine to serve as a common mouthpiece; soon, the magazine was being touted as the "magazine for Taiwan's democratic movement." The 60 founding members came from a wide range of opposition factions and began setting up islandwide branch offices for Formosa Magazine. All of these actions indicated the formation of a new opposition party. Therefore, a lot of scholar s and critics felt that Taiwan was, in fact, already at that stage of political development where two parties were competing for dominance.
Opposition figures formally announced the establishment of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) at the Grand Hotel on September 28, 1986, marking the end of the second stage of Taiwan's democratic development. The reason why this stage of development is viewed as the start of growth for Taiwan's democracy lies in the vast number of improvements made to its democratic features, such as the existence of opposition forces, fiercer political rivalry, freedom of speech, an increase in the people's rights to participate in politics, and a greater number of channels for them to participate through.
The KMT Institutes Democratic Reforms
Although from a structural point of view democratic development during this period had achieved a fair degree of success, the political system still remained what scholar Edward Shils would describe as being a "tutelary democracy." The distinguishing feature of this type of political system was that although it possessed all of the institutions found in other democratic countries -- regularly held elections (with the exception of December 1978, when they were temporarily postponed in the wake of severed diplomatic ties between the ROC and the US), freedom to vent one's political opinions, and increasingly active participation in politics -- however, the ruling party and administrative agencies still played a dominant role. Thus, the relationship between the ruling party and the government was still very intimate, and party discipline was heavily emphasized.
During this period, the members of the ruling elite were able to maintain the KMT's solidarity and effectively carry out administration under the leadership of the late President Chiang Ching-kuo. However, by this time it was quite clear that the KMT was adopting a more tolerant attitude and relaxing its policies in order to adapt themselves to multiparty competition, as well as to gradually push forward the ideals of democracy.
Meanwhile, aside from holding local elections on a regular basis, elections for higher government officials began to be held. In March 1986, the ruling KMT started to study the implementation of several major reforms, such as the lifting of the Emergency Decree, removal of the ban on the formation of new political parties, re-election of parliamentarians, and provision of a legal basis for local self-governance. According to Dr. Wei Yung, former chairman of the Research, Development, and Evaluation Commission under the Executive Yuan, the preparations for carrying out these proposals were already in order by August 1986. In fact, the main reason that the government did not suppress the opposition forces when they announced the establishment of the DPP on September 28, 1986, was largely due to the fact that the KMT had already placed removal of the ban on the formation of new parties on the reform agenda.
Embryonic Bipartisan Competition Takes Shape
During this stage of development, the opposition forces began to fiercely challenge the ruling party, and yet they did so through fair and legal competition. For instance, in the local elections for public officials held in November 1985, tangwai candidates were elected to many important posts, including one county magistrate, 11 provincial assemblymen, 11 Taipei City Council members, and three Kaohsiung City Council members. Indeed, the success rate of the tangwai candidates stood as high as 60 percent, and they campaigned much like an official political party.
Generally speaking, non-KMT candidates garnered more than 30 percent of the vote in local-level elections and close to 30 percent in parliamentary elections. However, a vote for a non-KMT candidate did not necessarily imply support for a tangwai candidate. According to estimates prior to the establishment of the DPP, tangwai candidates only had a fixed voter support base of around 20 percent, with supporters coming mainly from workers, urban small-business owners, and a small number of intellectuals.
Judging by the votes each received, it was quite clear that tangwai influence was no match for the ruling party. However, given the circumstances at the time -- various restrictions placed on competition under the Emergency Decree, the fact that tangwai candidates had a continual support base of approximately 20 percent of the vote, and the fact that such candidates were capable of challenging the ruling KMT in a majority of islandwide constituencies -- it was equally evident that an embryonic form of bipartisan competition had already been firmly established on Taiwan.
The Takeoff of Democracy (1986 to March 1996)
The Lifting of the Emergency Decree Brings Dynamism
On October 15, 1986, the KMT Central Standing Committee made the lifting of the Emergency Decree and of the ban on the formation of new political parties their top priority, thereby signaling the takeoff of democracy in Taiwan. Not only did this act give Taiwan society a brand-new outlook, but it also instilled a fresh, new vitality.
Day by day, Taiwan was becoming a freer, more open, and more pluralistic society, raising the ROC up from a partial democracy into the ranks of a full democracy (or political democracy). The most important definition to qualify a political system as being a "political democracy" is that it must be a representative system wherein the nation's leader is elected by the people. Furthermore, the people must be guaranteed fair and open political competition, civil liberties, freedoms of assembly, association, speech, and publication, and the right to hold demonstrations and strikes. Based on these criteria for a western style of democracy, it could be said that the ROC at this stage had already become one.
The chronology of the KMT's reforms (see Table 1) clearly reveals that in the wake of the lifting of the Emergency Decree, a series of additional political reforms quickly followed. These reforms included lifting restrictions on newspaper licensing and publishing, passing the Law on Assembly and Parades, allowing people to visit relatives on the Chinese mainland, re-electing all members of the Legislative Yuan and the National Assembly, ending the Period of National Mobilization for Suppression of the Communist Rebellion, and revising the Constitution to allow the direct and popular elections of the president, vice president, the governor of Taiwan Province, and the mayors of Taipei and Kaohsiung cities. Through these reforms, Taiwan began to develop rapidly in a new and different direction, thereby initiating the "takeoff of democracy."
Popular Sovereignty is Implemented
Since ancient times, the Chinese people have observed the ideals of popular sovereignty. The leaders of the KMT implemented these ideals step by step in Taiwan. The late President Chiang Kai-shek began by calling local elections during his tenure; his son, the late President Chiang Ching-kuo, took over the task by promoting political reforms and gradually opening up the political system. It was Chiang Ching-kuo who in his later years lifted the Emergency Decree and scrapped the ban on the formation of new political parties, thereby allowing the ROC to enter the ranks of democratic nations. Incumbent President Lee Teng-hui has continued with the ROC's reforms and further advanced the implementation of the ideals of popular sovereignty.
In December 1991, parliamentary elections were held, and in December 1994, the first direct elections of the governor of Taiwan Province and the mayors of Taipei and Kaohsiung cities were also carried out. In March 1996, the ROC held its first popular election of the president. People saw a massive expansion of their voting rights. Public officials at all levels, from president to borough chief, were now subject to popular elections, and the people's votes determined the government's power. The general public now genuinely led a nation and possessed ultimate power in deciding government personnel and policies.
Furthermore, the people have the right to directly recall legislators and delegates to the National Assembly. As for recalling the president and vice president, it can be done indirectly via the National Assembly. Based on the consensus reached at the National Development Conference in 1996, citizens will also be able to exercise the rights of initiative and referendum to address national issues. Today, people in the Taiwan area have the right to decide what kind of government they want. The ideal of popular sovereignty has gradually been realized.
Inter-party Competition Takes Root
The lifting of the ban on political parties has led to a blossoming of new parties. According to the Ministry of the Interior, there are currently 84 registered political parties. However, among those, only the KMT, DPP, and New Party (NP) are really influential. The New Party was formed by a group of dissenting KM T members who disagreed with KMT policies and leadership, and eventually left the party. The founding of the New Party has transformed bipartisan competition between the KMT and DPP into a three-way competition.
An example of this competition was seen during the 1994 elections for the governor of Taiwan Province and the mayors of Taipei and Kaohsiung cities. While the New Party only managed to garner a marginal 7.7 percent of the vote, Taipei mayoral candidate Jaw Shau-kong surpassed KMT incumbent Huang Ta-chou in the vote count. Meanwhile, the DPP's Chen Shui-bian emerged as the ultimate winner. The KMT won the governorship of Taiwan Province and the mayoralty of Kaohsiung City, and overall captured 52.5 percent of the vote; whereas the DPP got 39.42 percent. In the 1995 election for the third Legislative Yuan, the KMT captured 85 seats with 46.06 percent of the vote. The DPP won 54 seats with 33.17 percent of the vote, and the New Party captured 21 seats with 12.95 percent. The outcome further affirmed the dynamics of three-party competition.
Thus, Taiwan's politics have evolved from a single dominant party to two parties and now to the current three parties. Three-way competition was also seen in the presidential and vice presidential election held in 1996. The KMT's Lee Teng-hui and Lien Chan won 54 percent of the vote, the DPP's Peng Ming-min and Hsieh Chang-ting captured 21.13 percent, while the New Party-supported Lin Yang-kang and Hau Pei-tsun received 14.9 percent. In the election for national assemblymen held the same year, the KMT, DPP, and New Party gathered 49.68 percent, 29.85 percent, and 13.67 percent of the vote, respectively. The structure of three-party rivalry was already in place.
Human Rights Receive Protection
Human rights serve as one significant index of democracy. Ever since the emergence of the welfare state, the government's function in this respect is no longer limited to the protection of human rights, but also their promotion. The notion of human rights therefore encompasses not only the political arena, but the economic, social, and educational sectors as well. In other words, to safeguard human rights means to actively promote and legally protect all activities in which a person engages from birth to death. The rights of existence, freedom (be it personal, publication, assembly, association, change of residence, religious belief, etc.), property, work, political participation, privacy, equality, petition, and request for secondary rights all fall under the scope of human rights. The development of human rights in Taiwan began with the passive protection of political freedoms and rights to the active promotion of economic, social, and educational well-being.
Aside from a substantial expansion of political participation, developments in the area of political rights such as separation of trial and prosecution, implementation of the State Compensation Law, the free choice of a defense lawyer for a criminal defendant during investigation, and prison administration reform all represent concrete steps toward more human rights protection. The freedoms of speech, publication, assembly, and association are also guaranteed by the Constitution.
As for the rights to take civil service examinations and hold public office, the government has made it a rule in recent years that a civil servant must pass the exams to be able to serve in public office. The Examination Yuan is currently drafting related laws, such as the Law of Administrative Neutrality, the Law of Political Appointments, and the Basic Law of Public Functionaries. It is hoped that a neutral civil service can be properly built up so that public functionaries can carry out their duties according to the law, enforce the law with impartiality, and avoid political interference in their work.
Furthermore, even more importance is attached to people's rights to present petitions, lodge complaints and institute legal proceedings. It is now common to see people presenting petitions in front of the Legislative Yuan, the Executive Yuan, and even the Office of the President. Since the revision of Article 100 of the Criminal Code, the legal definition of rebellion has been narrowed to actually engaging in overthrowing the government. In the spirit of this article, the freedom to speak out in support of Taiwan-independence opinions is also protected.
The government's redress and apology for the February 28 Incident of 1947, in which many people were killed during a period of civil unrest, also allowed the victims' families see justice upheld. All this has helped build a just, fairer, happier, and more harmonious society. Other concrete steps -- such as the declaration by the Council of Grand Justices that certain provisions of the Statute on the Punishment and Eradication of Hoodlums, and a prosecutor's power to detain suspects, are unconstitutional -- are aimed at better protecting human rights.
In terms of economic rights, the people's right to existence is protected. In recent years, the rights of consumers have also received considerable attention. The government set up the Fair Trade Commission and the Consumer Protection Commission to safeguard consumers' rights. As for the right to work, the ROC's unemployment rate is, at 2.1 percent, comparatively lower than that in other countries in the world, although it has seen a slight increase. As for property, income distribution has always been quite balanced, as the nation was founded on the principle of equitable distribution of wealth in Dr. Sun Yat-sen's philosophy of social well-being. According to statistics, in 1996 the income of the highest 20 percent of the income earners is on average 5.38 times that of the lowest 20 percent. This figure means that the ROC can count itself among the countries where income distribution is considered more balanced.
As for ecological resources, the government has paid more attention to environmental protection and the prevention of public hazards. The Environmental Protection Administration was set up to focus on the promotion of environmental conservation. In terms of social rights, the government guarantees not only the freedom to change residence, the privacy of correspondence, and the freedom of religion, but the rights of women, children, the elderly, and disabled people are also better protected. The passage of the National Health Insurance Law in July 1994 and the subsequent launch of the National Health Insurance Program in March 1995 further expanded the scope of social insurance for the general public. Every year, the government has increased the already substantial funds allocated toward establishing a sound social security system. These various measures demonstrate the government's concern for people's social rights.
Finally, in the areas of culture and education -- not only is an equal opportunity to receive an education guaranteed, the freedom to teach and write is also protected. Democratic change on campuses has made great progress. The ideal of campuses governed by professors has already been realized: university presidents and chairmen of departments and institutes are now being elected by professors, and school policies are decided by university councils whose members are professors elected by the entire faculty. The government has authorized universities to make their own decisions on courses and the promotion of professors. Schools at every level now enjoy a more humanistic and democratic managerial style. The government plans to press on with further educational reforms and less restrictions in the hopes of helping those who receive education enjoy greater freedom of "self-realization."
In sum, the people of the Taiwan area enjoy a scope of human rights as comprehensive as that enjoyed by their counterparts in the advanced countries of Europe and North America. People in Taiwan live a life made possible by the most prosperous economy, most democratic government, and most comprehensive human rights in Chinese history.
Cross-strait Ties Are Expanded
During this period, one of the major breakthroughs has been the opening and subsequent rapid development of cross-strait relations. On November 2, 1987, the ROC officially started to permit its citizens to visit relatives in the Chinese mainland. Since then, cross-strait ties have grown by leaps and bounds.
Currently, Taiwan residents take over one million trips to the Chinese mainland annually; these are for visiting relatives and touring, as well as scholarly, cultural, and sports exchanges. So far, more than ten million visits have been made to the Chinese mainland by residents of Taiwan. According to ROC official statistics, private enterprises on Taiwan have invested more than US$5 billion in the Chinese mainland. According to Peking, however, Taiwan investment exceeds US$20 billion. Funds from Taiwan top those from the US and Japan and amount to 8 percent of total foreign investment in the mainland, second only to Hong Kong's 60 percent. Furthermore, the number of cross-strait phone calls has already topped 180 million. The number of trips made by mainland Chinese to Taiwan for cultural and educational activities has amounted to more than 13,000.
The cross-strait consultations that have been evolving from these close exchanges and frequent interactions have intrigued people here and abroad. To facilitate consultations, the ROC government established in February 1991 the semi-official Straits Exchange Foundation (SEF). The SEF acts on behalf of the government in dealing with those cross-strait affairs that the government cannot handle directly but which require public authority. Ten months later, Peking authorities established the SEF's counterpart, the Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Straits (ARATS). In Singapore, these two organizations held the unprecedented Koo-Wang talks of April 1993, in which four agreements were signed. They continued to discuss issues stemming from cross-strait exchanges during another eight rounds of pragmatic talks.
Unfortunately, since then, Peking has suspended all cross-strait discussions, claiming that President Lee Teng-hui's visit to the US in June 1995 violated the "one China" principle. In light of this, Taipei has also adopted a more prudent approach toward private investment in the mainland. However, one can expect that continued cross-strait interactions by the private sector will be inevitable.
The Constitution Is Revised
A country's constitution is the system of fundamental laws that safeguards long-lasting rule and order. With the exception of temporary changes which took effect under the Temporary Provisions adopted in 1948, the ROC Constitution had undergone no formal revisions since its promulgation on January 1, 1947.
This changed in 1991; after over 40 years on Taiwan, the ROC central government began vigorously revising the Constitution to adapt to the changes at home and abroad as well as the demands of popular will. Constitutional revisions are expected to be more aligned to Taiwan's political reality. They should also help further the rule of law in the Taiwan area, thereby helping to stabilize constitutional democracy.
The first round of constitutional amendments commenced on April 8, 1991, during the first extraordinary session of the First National Assembly. On April 22, the ten Additional Articles of the Constitution of the Republic of China and the abolition of the Temporary Provisions Effective During the Period of Communist Rebellion were passed. Soon afterward on May 1, they went into effect.
The first round of constitutional amendments achieved four major objectives. The Temporary Provisions Effective During the Period of Communist Rebellion were abolished, providing a legal basis for new parliamentary elections. In addition, the structure of the central government was modified, providing the legal basis for establishing the National Security Council (NSC), the National Security Bureau (NSB), and the Central Personnel Administration (CPA). The government was authorized to enact the Statute Governing the Relations Between the People of the Taiwan Area and the Mainland Area to reflect the fact that the two sides are administered by two separate political entities. Lastly, the president was granted the right to issue emergency decrees, and organizational laws for the NSC, NSB, and CPA were required.
On December 21, 1991, the election of the Second National Assembly was held as stipulated by the first round of Additional Articles of the Constitution. After assuming office, the new National Assembly held an extraordinary session on March 20, 1992, in which another eight Additional Articles were ratified on May 27, bringing the total number of Additional Articles to 18 and ending t he second round of constitutional revisions.
Under these revised articles, the president and vice president, whose terms of office were reduced from six to four years, are now to be elected by the people. In addition, the powers of the National Assembly, Judicial Yuan, Examination Yuan, and Control Yuan were modified. The members of the Control Yuan, which was designated as a judicial organization, are to be nominated and, with the consent of the National Assembly, appointed by the president so that the exercise of their powers would not be tainted by money politics. Furthermore, the Legislative Yuan was authorized to formulate self-governance and other related organizational laws in order to more quickly allow for local autonomy. Lastly, fundamental national policies were further strengthened by stipulating protection for women, the disabled, aborigines, and the residents of Kinmen and Matsu islands. At the same time, the right to political participation of ROC nationals residing overseas was also guaranteed.
What made the second round of amendments unique was the fact that it built upon those of the first round. For instance, the people's right to vote was extended to encompass the right to vote for the president. Administrative re-engineering was extended to the level of the five branches of the central government. Furthermore, the second round of amendments provided the legal basis for local autonomy and clearly stipulated that the government has a responsibility toward disadvantaged groups.
The third round of amendments commenced in 1994, under which the National Assembly was given a speaker and a deputy speaker. Specific provisions for the direct popular election of the president and the vice president were also added. In addition, the scope of the premier's authority to countersign presidential orders was reduced, while the right of ROC nationals residing overseas to vote for the president was guaranteed.
To strengthen the structure of the central government and raise administrative efficiency, the Constitution was amended once again in 1997. The Additional Articles were revised to make a total of 11. Most significant among the changes is that the president can now appoint the premier without the confirmation of the Legislative Yuan. On the other hand, the Legislature was given the power to initiate a vote of no-confidence against the premier; and the president can exercise his power to dissolve the Legislature should the premier be forced to resign. In addition, provisions to streamline the government were added, suspending elections for the Taiwan provincial governor and provincial assembly and simplifying the provincial government's functions and organization.
After four rounds of constitutional revisions, criticism is occasionally voiced that there is still room for further discussion. However, constitutional reform has indeed helped systematize the government, hence ensuring the stability and development of democracy.
The Implications of Taiwan's Political Development
The story of Taiwan's political development can perhaps serve as a reference for other countries pursuing democracy.
Efficient Leadership and Hardworking Citizens
Two principal factors may account for the success of Taiwan's political development. The first, the ROC's leadership, has formulated appropriate policies and solved myriad difficulties with a wise, far-sighted, and tolerant political style. The second factor is the fact that the citizens of the ROC are blessed with a Confucian cultural background and the provident, cooperative, and diligent character that comes with it, and they have integrated the passion and vitality of political participation with reason and restraint. They have interacted with the government and through cooperation accomplished the bloodless "quiet revolution" that has shaped the face of Taiwan today.
Political Stability Ensures Economic Prosperity Which in Turn is Conducive to Political Development
Taiwan has a land area of only 14,000 square miles and a population of just 22 million. Despite its limited land mass, high population density and lack of natural resources, Taiwan has created an economic miracle with US$220 billion a year in trade, an annual per capita income of over US$12,000, and one of the world's highest foreign exchange reserves. This accomplishment owes much to the stable political environment. Over the past four decades, Taiwan has seldom witnessed riots. Large-scale group activity was rarely seen before the Emergency Decree was lifted. Well-maintained public order, a stable government, and a highly predictable political climate have all combined to make Taiwan a low-risk area for investment, thereby encouraging foreign investors to come to Taiwan. Similarly, economic prosperity has created great public confidence, support and enthusiasm for participating in public affairs. People carry their democratic spirit a step further by directly (through participation in elections) or indirectly (through party affiliation) expressing their political stance and opinions, thereby leading to continuous political progress.
Democratic Reforms Must Come in Stages
Developing countries, while pressing for democratic change, must realize that democracy can never come at one stroke. It should be accomplished in stages and according to plan, and each stage must have goals and priorities. Reforms must progress according to a timetable so that they can be accomplished in an environment of stability and peace. Many scholars both at home and abroad praise the ROC's democratic reform as a "quiet revolution"; and it is called this exactly because of the fact that the government and people work together with patience and wisdom to gradually and peacefully achieve the ultimate goal of full-fledged democracy.
Universal Education Promotes the Success of Democratic Reforms
Chinese culture places great emphasis on education. Not only do parents see their children's education as being crucial, but the government does as well; hence its allocation of generous funding for education. Education provides people with the knowledge and skills needed for economic development while at the same time offering an individual opportunities to move upward in society. Education also teaches people to respect the laws of their democratic society. Therefore, universal education and low illiteracy make Taiwan highly competitive economically. Thanks also to successful economic development, a large middle class has emerged. This middle class, both reform-minded and stability-seeking, has become the dynamic force behind Taiwan's democratic reform as well as the pillar securing stability throughout the reform process.
Conclusion
The political development of the ROC on Taiwan has attracted widespread attention and given rise to much discussion in the international community. The uniqueness of the Taiwan experience lies in the fact that despite the military intimidation and threats from the mainland, the ROC has stood firmly on Taiwan for nearly five decades. This uniqueness also lies in the ability to create an economic miracle with limited resources while spending considerable sums on national defense. Most significantly, the unique quality of TaiwanÕs development has demonstrated itself in the democratic changes that came when the nation had reached the goal of economic development.
Economic prosperity and democracy are two common objectives of humanity. Therefore, Taiwan experience has not only brought prosperity and democracy to the Taiwan area, thus enabling people on Taiwan to enjoy the most prosperous and liberal way of life in Chinese history; it also serves as a model for other developing areas, including the Chinese mainland. If the dictatorial system of the Chinese communists can undergo similar transformation through economic development so that they too stride toward liberalization and democracy, it will help lay the groundwork for future reunification of the two sides and further promote regional stability and world peace. Certainly, the world would rejoice in such a development.
This is a great honour for Germany. 
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The cardinals have elected me, a simple and humble worker in the Lord's vineyard 
